Introduction The Arabic chat madrassah literally means a school ( Riaz, 2008, p. 2 ) or a habitat of learning ( Malik, 2008, p. 1 ). It originates from the word dars, which means a lesson or instruction. In the Arabic - speech societies, the tete-a-tete madrassah can be brave to wide variety of institutions ( Berkey, 2007, p. 40 ). However, in non - Arabic vocabulary regions, this conversation is usually used to remit to a characteristic considerate of alignment devoted to training of ulama ( literally scholars, plural of alim ) through instruction about the Quran, Hadith ( traditions of the Soothsayer ), fiqh ( charter ) and Islamic law ( Riaz, 2008, p. 2 ). The plural for madrassah is madaris. The tradition of madrassah is as old as the history of Islam itself. Although the tete-a-tete madrassah was not used as such, a study circle or halqa was well-known for learning in the mosque of the Soothsayer Muhammad in Madina. The ones who participated in that halaqa used to sit on an elevated platform called al - Suffah and were called Ashab al - Suffah ( Arshad, 2005, p. 21 ). Even during the life time of Sibyl Muhammad, nine such halqas had been known inside Madina ( Khalid, 2002, p. 89 ). These non - formal educational arrangements, based in the mosques or in the homes of the Sibyl ' s companions, were the precursors of madaris and running during the past of first four Caliphs and even succeeding ( Riaz, 2008, p. 53 - 4 ). However, Imdad Sabri has pointed out the existence of a systematic educational system at primary level during the crown of second sultan Umar ( 632 - 44 A. D ) whereby educational requirements of the Muslims were fulfilled through the harmony of a maktab or kuttab, that was attached to a local mosque ( quoted in Arshad, 2005, p. 23 ). A. L. Tibawi has besides that - The maktab could be open in a private house, shop or constituent other corner and was presided over by a mu ' allim ( teacher ) and the purpose of the maktab was - removal of illiteracy and the teaching of poll, grammar, poetry, history ( akhbar ) and greater all, the Quran ' ( quoted in Riaz, 2008, p. 55 ). During the first four centuries ( 7th through 10th century A. D ) of Islamic education, majority of the Muslims who sought education, stopped at the maktab level and the seekers of the higher knowledge had to tag on circles of well - known scholars and mystics now madaris did not come about as independent institutions. It is hard to define the exact spell when madaris started to break through as independent and exclusive educational institutions. It is oftentimes agreed that the Madrassah al - Nizamiya of Baghdad, confessed in 1067, is the first institutionalized madrassah ( Haqqani quoted in Fair, 2009, p. xii; Khalid, 2002, p. 91; Malik, 2008, p. 4; Rizvi, 2005, p. 68; Saleem, 2004, p. 11 ). This madrassah was down pat by Nizam ul - Mulk Tusi ( 1017 - 92 ), who was the vizir ( prime minister ) of the Seljuk Turk Imperator Pile Arsalan under Abbasid caliphate. However, Arshad ( 2005, p. 22 ) and Riaz ( 2008, p. 54 ) have mentioned several madrassahs which had been confessed fit before Madrassah al - Nizamiya. Arjomand ( 1999 ) has even suggested that Nizam ul - Mulk Tusi might have acknowledged some other madaris in different parts of Seljuk rule before he set up Madrassah al - Nizamiya in Baghdad. Maulana Riasat Ali Nadvi has pointed out that at virgin seven madaris had been received before 1067 and Zia - ul - Hassan Farooqi ' s research shows that Imam Abu Bakr Farooq of Ispahan ( d. 1014 ) was the first to ground a madrassah on the pattern of fashionable tradition ( Arshad, 2005, p. 22 ). Even Maharajah Mahmood had received a big madrassah in Ghazni in 1019 ( Rizwi, 2005, p. 68 ). Before that, Fatimid czar al - Muizz had notorious al - Azhar in Cairo in 975. Riaz ( 2008, p. 54 ) has traced the history of institutionalized madaris even to the country of Abbasid sovereign al - Mamun ( 786 - 833 A. D ). Saleem Ali ( 2009, p. 18 ) has stated that the first recognized madrassah was admitted in 1005 AD by the Fatimid caliphs in Egypt, where inexperience Shia potboiler of Islam was taught. Although Madrassah al - Nizamiya is not the first institutionalized madrassah in the history of Islamic education, its founder Nizam ul - Mulk Tusi holds the credit of providing a model for other madaris. He himself accepted a chain of madaris in at pristine eleven cities in the Seljuk sultanate ( Arjomand, 1999 ). He again down pat Auqaf ( plural of Arabic waqf meaning trust ) for these madaris in succession to ensure income generation, which in turn provided independence and autonomy to these institutions ( Arshad, 2005, pp. 22 - 3 ). This tradition succeeding became the standard practice and helped in upping the network of madaris in the regions under Muslim rule. These madaris were typically patronized by the ruling prime. Apart from the pursuit of knowledge, the rapid rise in the number of madaris after the 10th century was also associated with at pioneer three other factors: exchange between Shi ' as and Sunnis; contention between various Sunni schools of inferring ( mazhabs ); and philosophical debates between the rationalist Mutazilites and orthodox Asharites ( Riaz, 2008, p. 56 ).
2. Madaris in the Subcontinent Before the rise of Mughal Empire in the 16th century, it is hard to find a discernable decoration in the Islamic educational institutions in the subcontinent. After the Muslims started arriving in the region in the early 8th century, mosque and khanqah ( Sufi hospice ) were initially the centres of simple religious education. The first formal madrassah was set up in 1191 in Ajmer by Muizzuddin Muhammad Ghauri ( d. 1206 ), founder of Turkish rule in India ( Khalid, 2002, p. 93; Riaz, 2008, p. 58 ). Saleem Ali ( 2009. P. 18 ) has pointed out that the first recorded madrassah in the subcontinent was madrassah Firozi in Multan down pat by Nasiruddin Qabacha. Farooqi again thinks that the earliest madaris in the subcontinent were notorious in the regions of Sindh and Multan ( Arshad, 2005, p. 24 ). His conclusion is perhaps based on the assumption that myriad Arab scholars migrated to the subcontinent following Muhammad Bin Qasim ' s invasion of Sindh and footing up of new cities like Mansura during the early 8th century. However, this claim has not been supported by enough historical evidence ( Riaz, 2008, p. 58 ). In Delhi, Shams - ud - commotion Iltutmish ( d. 1236 ) acknowledged the first madrassah, which was named madrassah Muizziah in the mind of Rex Ghauri ( Arshad, 2005, p. 24 ). Qutbuddin Aibak ( d. 1210 ) of Jailbird Territory and Muhammad bin Tughluq ( d. 1351 ) and Feroze Mogul ( d. 1388 ) of Tughluq Nation were the most enthusiastic founders of madaris in the subcontinent ( Arshad, 2005, p. 24; Khalid, 2002, p. 93; Riaz, 2008, p. 58 ). According to Miqrizi, during the division of Muhammad bin Tughluq ( 1324 - 51 ), licensed were about one thousand madaris going on in Delhi alone ( Rizwi, 2005, p. 72 ). That figure seems to be romantic being even today when the Muslim humanity of Delhi has extremely spare since 14th century, experienced are less than 1200 madaris proficient. Apparently, Miqrizi included in his whyfor of madaris, the maktabs attached to mosques, which accommodate basic Islamic education with especial cynosure on allocution of the Quran. Most of the early madaris in the subcontinent were down pat by the rulers of different dynasties as husky as regional kingdoms, which emerged in the wake of weakening of the Delhi Sultanate in 15th century. Ergo the curricula of these madaris varied to shine the proof of the scholars and saints who influenced a particular ruler. A few madaris were also set up just on the initiative of a particular tutor without the favouritism of Muslim rulers. Despite having no single educational model, these early madaris had some commonplace like: functioning autonomy; abandonment to choose syllabus; instruction of both extended / transmitted ( manqulat ) and cerebral ( maqulat ) Sciences; and trenchant graduates who were to serve in the royal courts and state administration ( Riaz, 2008, pp. 60 - 1 ). After the establishment of Mughal Empire throughout the subcontinent, competent was a noted increase in the number of madaris owing to the political stability and the royal policy to support education and learning. Muslim education during Mughal duration has been divided in three categories by P. N. Ojha ( 1975, pp. 76 - 80 ). Elementary or primary education was provided at the maktab, which was halfway invariably attached to a mosque. Occasionally, maktabs were based in private houses. Subordinate education was imparted at khanqa ( Sufi hospice or abbey ), dargah ( shrine ) or sometimes at mosques. These institutions, which focused on mystical and ecclesiastical ideas, acted as supplements and feeders to the madaris, which imparted higher education. These madaris were in duration in important towns and cities and provided latest studies in three types of sciences: illahi or cleric sciences consisting of theology and the means of acquiring the knowledge of Jehovah; Riazi or mathematical sciences which and included astronomy, tune and mechanics; and tabi ' i or bona fide sciences. The curriculum of madaris ( i. e. higher education ) during the first half of Mughal rule ( 1556 - 1858 ), put great attention on the study of cerebral sciences ( maqulat ), which took - new importance ' and - great strides towards obeisance ' during Tsar Akbar ' s empire ( Ikram and Bilgrami quoted in Riaz, 2008, p. 64 ). This urgency on rationalist content enduring under Kaiser Jahangir despite efforts by some ulama like Shaikh Abdu l - Haqq, who tried to revive the manqulat tradition. Even Aurangzeb, who is considered the most orthodox Mughal ruler, patronized the Farangi Mahall in Lucknow as an management of learning. Farangi Mahall madrassah tradition besides taut maqulat more than manqulat. In truth, Mulla Nizamuddin Sihalvi ( d. 1748 ) of this tradition expanded and compiled the curriculum of madaris by including a unit of books on maqulat while Quran ( two commentaries ) and Hadith ( one abridgement ) were habituated marginal limelight ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 31 ). The Farangi Mahall syllabus declared as Dars - i - Nizami has since dominated the religious education in the subcontinent, of course with modifications. However, Francis Robinson ( 2001 ) has pointed out that Dars - i - Nizami was less a syllabus than a habit of teaching since the teachers introduced books according to the ability of students quite than teaching them all the suggested books for a particular subject ( Robinson in Sanyal, 2008, p. 25 ). In a word marked by political instability, Farangi Mahall became one of the largest centres of learning by the early 18th century. While preparing qazis and muftis for the Muslim courts, this school besides revived the tradition of combining scholarly and supernatural learning ( Metcalf, 1982, pp. 31 - 2 ), a tradition which was mystic during the early word of Mughal rule, which was clear by growing prominence of the ulama vis - - vis the Sufis ( Riaz, 2008, p. 61 ). Another revival which occurred during the same title was related to manqulat tradition, which was apt more weightage in the curriculum of madaris. This revival was fabricated possible by Crowned head Waliullah ( 1703 - 62 ) who not sole emphasized teaching of tafsir ( exegesis ) of the Quran but also included sihah - i - Sittah ( six collections of Hadith ) in the syllabus for his madrassah Rahimia in Delhi. While counselling the need and value of study of manqulat in bringing people closer to the teachings of Islam, King Waliullah explicitly dismissed maqulat as mere intellectual exercises and a source of confusion ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 38 ). Tycoon Waliullah was a contemporary of Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab of Nejd. Both studied in Madina at nearly the equivalent title, had at primitive one teacher in routine and were extremely influenced by the teachings of Ibne Taymiyya, a 14th century jurist of Damascus ( Allan, 2005 ). Unlike Farangi Mahall, Monarch Waliullah ' s madrassah advocated a more independent and political role for ulama vis - - vis the rulers. At a time striking by decline of Mughal Empire and rise of Maratha competency, Shah Waliullah launched a movement from his madrassah to restore Muslim rule under a central authority. To execute this, he developed a two - pronged strategy. On the one hand, he influenced the ruling boon through his teachings and wrote to Nizam ul - Mulk of Hyderabad, Najib ud - Daulah of Rohilkhand and even to Ahmad Majesty Abdali of Afghanistan to take initiative to revive a stable Muslim rule ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 35 ). On the other hand, Mogul Waliullah influenced the general Muslim mortals through a class of ulama which was prepared through the madaris set up in different parts of India ( Sindhi, 1944, pp. 45 - 6 ). First initiative of Majesty Waliullah proved to be short - lived and swaggering. However, his intellectual work on religious perceiving succeeded in creating a class of ulama which was to play an important role in future Islamic education as right as Muslim politics. Troubled by the social, political and religious disorder around him, Mikado Waliullah tried to consolidate the whole span of Islamic knowledge in an unprecedented systematized succession or tatbiq ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 36 ). A instinctive outcome of this effort was that he had to quibble the tradition of taqlid - unquestioned adherence to one of the four schools of Islamic anticipation called mazhabs ( Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi ' I and Hanbali ). Being aware of the opposition by the majority of ulama and ordinary Muslims who followed Hanafi School, Khan Waliullah elaborated that most of ulama and believers ( - aam or general ) should lock to Hanafi School and peerless the few ( khas or proper ) should pursue his thought of tatbiq ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 38 - 9 ). One important aspect of Pasha Waliullah ' s teachings is the criticism of profuse local levy of Muslims as bida ' t ( one-sided innovation ) and shirk ( polytheism ). However, he did not preach intolerance in this regard. He even sought, without success, unification and reconciliation between Shi ' a and Sunni Muslims. While pursuing his purpose of reinvigoration of faith among Muslims, Baron Waliullah exemplified the ideal design of religious chieftain by being both leading lady and - alim - a decoration besides promoted by Farangi Mahallis and followed by most of the Muslims. By the time he died in 1762, Czar Waliullah had successfully created a class of ulama which had a new consciousness about their role and onus. However, those ulama under the guidance of his girl Emperor Abdul Aziz faced a position which was not approximating with the sight of their standard, who was considered as a mujtahid - a person qualified for the inquiry to set up the ruling of the sharia - the Sanctified Law. Baron Waliullah ' s view was based on the dependence of revival of a central Muslim state in which the ulama had to collaborate with the political leaders as their teachers and advisors ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 43 ). That seeing was in line with the - Pious Gerent theory ', which had been derived from pre - Islamic Iranian tradition and proposed that the mikado / kaiser must acknowledge sharia as interpreted by the ulama ( Hardy, 1971, pp. 16 - 17 ). However, the descendants of Potentate Waliullah had to frontage a site where Muslim rule in the Subcontinent was being replaced by non - Muslim powers like Marathas, the British as trim as Sikhs. Finding neither a Muslim state nor a - pious magnate ', Rex Waliullah ' s movement under his teenager Abdul Aziz, rotten a bit inbound looking and its focal point besides got narrowed down in terms of largely concentrating on the ablution of popular levy and spiritual practices of Indian Muslims. So, while unraveling the philosophy of Sovereign Waliullah, the movement reasonably ignored the original ideas of tatbiq ( singleness ) and religious accordance, which were gradually replaced by taqlid of Hanafi mazhab and criticism of Shias as vigorous as Sunni folk Islam. For for instance, Caliph Waliullah in his book - Izaltul Khifa ' had tried to bleed some misunderstandings between Shias and Sunnis but Abdul Aziz in his book - Tohfa - e - Asna ' Ashari ' aggressively dismissed the Shia Islam. Similarly, Potentate Waliullah had, in his will, called on his progeny to forsake - the levy of Arabs ( pre - Islamic Arabia ) and hunud ( the Hindus ) ' ( Ikram quoted in Metcalf, 1982, p. 55 ), but Abdul Aziz ensured to question some fatawa ( religious edicts ) about proper conduct on the tombs of saints. Later on, vehement encroachment on the popular toll of Indian Muslims became the upper thrust of this movement especially after Baron Waliullah ' s grandson Muhammad Ismaeel wrote taqwiatul Iman, a book inspired by Abdul Wahab ' s Al Tauheed ( Sindhi, 1944, p. 70 ). This book by Ismaeel created a storm of protest by mainstream ulama and is still considered a controversial book ( Faruqi, 1963, p. 18 ). One unvaried factor among the three generations of Sovereign Waliullah family is the resistance they faced from the mainstream society. Tycoon Waliullah was opposed mainly by the ulama of his time while his child Abdul Aziz faced threats from the ruling first. Both of them had to even front murder attempts inveigh them ( Butt, 2006, pp. 19 - 25 ). The grandson, Ismaeel narrowly free with his life after he was attacked by the ordinary Muslims, whose spiritual practices he criticized at the shrine of Nizamuddin Auliya ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 64 ). Despite narrowing down of the focus of Sultan Waliullah ' s movement, the original wish of the fundamental requirement of a Muslim state never died down. However, the focal point of this bright side later shifted from India to Afghanistan, in unobscured of Shah Waliullah ' s observation in his book Khair - e - Kaseer whereby he indicated that Indian Muslims had lost the capability to run an Islamic government while the fighting power and ability of Afghans qualified the latter to take up that responsibility ( Sindhi, 1944, p. 53 ). Perhaps that thinking justified Shah Waliullah ' s invitation to Afghan ruler, Ahmed Shah Abdali to invade India. Accordingly, Abdul Aziz hoped to establish an Islamic state through his followers lead by Syed Ahmed and Muhamad Ismaeel, who with the help of Pushtun tribes set up a rebel government in Peshawar before they were killed in a battle against Sikhs at Balakot in 1831. However, Metcalf ( 1982, p. 55 ) has indicated that Abdul Aziz, an old man at that time, might have opposed the jihad and perhaps it was the idea of Syed Ahmed and the younger generation of Waliullah family ( who had already started disagreeing with Abdul Aziz on some old practices and customs he was following ). It is to be noted that his famous fatwa of 1803, declaring India as darul harb ( abode of war ) never called for any military action ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 51 ). On the other hand, Sindhi ( 1944, p. 75 ) thinks that although Aziz had agreed to jihad, the jihadis failed because they diverted from his exact advice to run the Islamic government through an advisory board rather than choosing an amirul mumineen ( leader of the faithful ), who was none other than the charismatic Syed Ahmed ( 1786 - 1831 ) of Rai Bareli. The focus and scope of Shah Waliullah ' s movement markedly narrowed down after Syed Ahmed joined this movement. His charismatic influence on the movement was so great that members of younger generation of Waliullah family like Muhammad Ismaeel ( d. 1831 ) and Abdul Hayee ( d. 1828 ) took bait ( oath of allegiance ) of Syed Ahmed instead of the elders of the family ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 54 ). As the influence of Syed Ahmed increased, the emphasis of Shah Waliullah ' s movement shifted from intellectual to political approach with a spotlight on jihad and reform of customs and practices of Indian Muslims. Not trained in scholarly tradition, Syed Ahmed got influenced by the teachings of Arabian Abdul Wahab of Nejd ( 1703 - 87 ). His movement has been referred as Wahhabi movement ( Hunter, 1871 ) and his right hand man, Muhammad Ismaeel has been called a - firebrand mujahid and a real Wahhabi ' ( Faruqi, 1963, p. 18 ). In his book Taqwiatul Iman, Ismaeel, while stating that God alone was entitled to worship and homage, denounced all practices and beliefs that seemed to compromise the belief of tauheed ( transcendent unity of God ). Three sources were identified as threat to tauheed: false Sufism; Shia Islam; and popular customs ( Metcalf, 1982, pp. 56 - 7 ). Aggressive attack on these sources was to become the major thrust of Shah Waliullah ' s movement in the later years. This new - practical approach ' of the movement became more aggressive after the fall of the rebel Islamic government in 1831. However, some pockets of active resistance to the British rule continued from the rebel camps in the North Western Frontier region. The rise of the - practical approach ' in Shah Waliullah ' s movement eclipsed the original intellectual tradition and legacy of the movement. The latter tradition of Shah Waliullah family actually came to an end when Abdul Aziz ' s successor, Muhammad Ishaq migrated to Makkah along with his brother Muhammad Yaqub in 1842 ( Sindhi, 1944, p. 98 ), leaving behind a group of dedicated students who were supposed to keep the movement alive in one way or the other. This group included Abdul Ghani Dehlavi, Mamluk Ali and Syed Nazir Ahmed ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 71; Sindhi, 1944, p. 98 ). The first two persons were to be of great influence behind the Deobandi Madrassah Movement while the third was to establish a distinctive sect called Ahle Hadith - a group which is ghair muqallid ( who do not observe taqlid or following of any of the four mazhabs ) and is more close to the teachings of Abdul Wahhab of Arabia.
3. Background of the Deobandi Madrassah Movement ( DMM ) As the East India Company started to take control of the subcontinent after assuming power in Bengal in 1765, they initially kept the old education system intact. Madaris and maktabs continued to operate with the state support. Persian remained the official language and for - the first fifty years of the Company ' s rule, the Musalmans had the lion ' s share of state patronage ' ( Hunter, 1871, p. 141 ). Even when the Company established an educational institution for Muslims in Bengal in 1780, it was called Calcutta Aliya Madrassah and it adopted Dars - e - Nizami curriculum till 1791 when some changes were introduced ( Riaz, 2008, p. 68 ). The 1831 Charter of the East India Company indicated for the first time that English was to be introduced in Indian educational system alongside vernacular languages. In 1835, Thomas Macaulay ' s Education Minute was approved to introduce English as well as western education system in India, which resulted in discontinuation of government support for madaris and other traditional educational institutions ( Riaz, 2008, p. 69 ). Before that, the Company, as an effort to increase its revenues, had acquired the auqaf ( trusts ) of madaris ( Arshad, 2005, p. 26 ), a step which virtually made it impossible to run these institutions. After English replaced Persian as official language and medium of higher courts in 1835 and once Governor General Henry Hardinge decided in 1844 that only those with western - style education and knowledge of English were eligible for state sector jobs, the employability of madrassah graduates reduced remarkably ( Riaz, 2008, p. 70 ). On the other hand, the rise of western - style government schools was equally remarkable with a rapid growth in attendance ( Robinson, 1974, p. 35 ). The steps taken by the East India Company during the decade after 1835 reflected a shift in its earlier policy since 1765, which was marked by moderation as well as determination to let Muslim power expire by slow natural decay ( Hunter, 1871, p. 117 ). As the previous policy helped averting any rebellion by Muslims, the deviation from that policy after 1835 was likely to stir the sentiments of local populations, especially those who were linked to traditional institutions, both social and political. The result was the War of Independence or the Mutiny in 1857, which was represented by both Muslim and Hindu populations. That rebellion failed and consequently the British rule was established all over India. British response to that rebellion was ruthless especially against the Muslims who, as last rulers of India, were disproportionately blamed for their part in the Mutiny. The whole population of Delhi was expelled for some time, thousands of Muslims were shot, several mosques were desecrated and many madaris were razed ( ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 84 - 85 ). An important casualty related to the Mutiny of 1857 was Delhi College, which was established by the British in 1825. That college was set up on the recommendations of the General Committee on Public Instruction, which lamented the state of the private madaris. The goal of the college was the education of respectable people in order to enable them to find suitable jobs ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 72 ). There were two branches of the College, English and Oriental. The head of the Arabian Department of the Oriental branch, Mamluk Ali, was closely associated with the Shah Waliullah family. He was taught by a student of Shah Abdul Aziz ( Rizwi, 2005, p. 97 ) and later he also accompanied the successor of Abdul Aziz, Muhammad Ishaq, when the latter migrated to Hijaz in 1842. Mamluk Ali had come to Delhi from his home town of Nanautah in North India and he was joined by some of his family members including his son Muhammad Yaqub, three nephews Muhammad Qasim, Muhammad Ahsan and Muhammad Mazhar as well as two distant relatives, Zulfiqar Ali and Fazlur rehman ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 75 ). This group of people ( which was later joined by Rasheed Ahmed of Gangoha ), played the major role in launching a madrassah movement from Deoband in 1866. Another prominent student of Delhi College was Syed Ahmed who was to later launch a parallel modernist educational movement for Indian Muslims at Aligarh. Muhammad Qasim and Rasheed Ahmed, the founding fathers of the Deobandi Madrassah Movement ( DMM ) developed a friendship during their stay in Delhi. They shared the ambience of Delhi College through Mamluk Ali and studied Hadith from Abdul Ghani, the successor of Muhammad Ishaq of Waliullah family. During the same period, Muhammad Qasim and Rasheed Ahmed also got associated with Haji Imdadullah ( 1815 - 99 ), who was a sufi disciple of a great grandson of Shah Waliullah, Syed Naseeruddin. Imdadullah also claimed to be blessed in his childhood, with the bait by Syed Ahmed of Rai Brailley ( Rehman, 1997, pp. 7 - 10 ). Both Muhammad Qasim and Rasheed Ahmed shared a common allegiance ( bait ) to Imdadullah as their sufi preceptor ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 79 ) who was their guide in every decision. These three persons also took the lead in a small military campaign against the British at Shamli tehsil of district Muzaffar Nagar during the Mutiny of 1857 ( Bashir, 2006, pp. 83 - 84 ). That uprising was easily crushed by the British and immediately after that Imdadullah migrated to Makkah. However, the participation of these three men in the Mutiny has been disputed by many writers ( Shahjahanpuri, 2004, p. 20 ). Metcalf ( 1982, p. 82 ) has pointed out that the details of that Shamli uprising appeared only in secondary sources written after 1920 and earlier writings especially the biography of Muhammad Qasim by Manazar Ahsan Gilani rather tried to prove the loyalty of Muhammad Qasim and Rasheed Ahmed to the British. Ubaidullah Sindhi ( 1944, original: 1944 ), himself a Deobandi activist, has also failed to mention any uprising led by the founding fathers of DMM. After the failure of the 1857 war and the removal of even the symbolic presence of Mughal Empire in India, the original dream of the ulama of Shah Waliullah tradition to have an Islamic state, was completely shattered. Although some resistance in the Frontier region continued to be upheld by the groups who once followed Syed Ahmed, ulama of Waliullah tradition were somehow persuaded that the British were invincible. With this mindset, those ulama then decided to revive the intellectual tradition of Shah Waliullah, which had been neglected after the rise of - practical ' tradition under the influence of Syed Ahmed. The ulama had also realized that the introduction of western education system and marginalization of madaris had further endangered that intellectual tradition. Further, the British decision of 1864 to do away with the posts of Muhammaden Law officers ( Hunter, 1871, p. 118 ) was also considered a direct blow to the Islamic way of life. Similarly, the activities of the Christian missionaries were also seen with suspicion in terms of threat to the Muslim culture in India. All these factors put the ulama in a complete defensive mode. Their proactive role for the expansion of Islam was replaced by a reactionary activity of - protecting and preserving the Muslim cultural and religious life - an activity which manifested itself in a new form, inward looking and primarily concerned with the Islamic quality of individual lives ' ( Metcalf, 1982, pp. 85 - 86 ). Madrassah at Deoband established in 1866 ( some books have mentioned the year as 1867 ) was the outcome of this reactionary approach, which has been considered as a continuation of Shah Waliullah ' s movement under a different strategy ( Sindhi, 1944, p. 98: Shahjahanpuri, 2004, p. 120 ). 4. Origin of DMM Deoband is a small town in district Saharanpur in North India. It is located at 144 kilometres to the North West of Delhi. The origin of the madrassah at Deoband was quite modest. It was started with just one teacher and one student, both named Mahmood, who started their first lesson under the pomegranate tree in the courtyard of a small mosque. Muhammad Qasim of Nanautah and Rasheed Ahmed of Gangoha, supported by several of their companions from Delhi College, were the founding fathers of this madrassah, which was to become the precursor of a big movement in the following years. The major aim of the founders of this madrassah was to save the religion as well as the religious capital of Muslims in India ( Arshad, 2005, p. 29 ) while taking extra care to avoid any conflict with the British rulers ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 85 ). The broad objectives of the madrassah as mentioned in its constitution were as follows ( Rizwi, 2005. p. 142 ).
a ) To impart necessary and useful education regarding the Quran, Hadith, exegesis, faith / kalam and provide complete Islamic knowledge to Muslims and to serve Islam through proselytization and guidance; b ) To create an Islamic spirit in the life of students through their training in Islamic conduct and behaviour and to create; c ) To protect and defend Islam as well as to spread and proselytize the religion through written and spoken words and to create among present - day Muslims the sentiments and deeds similar to the ones found among the Muslims of earlier generations; d ) To avoid influence of the government and to maintain independence of knowledge and thought; and e ) To set up Arabic madaris in different areas for the spread of Islamic knowledge and link those madaris with the madrassah at Deoband The above - mentioned objectives were to be achieved through the following eight guiding principles devised by Muhammad Qasim for the madrassah at Deoband ( Rizwi, 2005, pp. 153 - 4; Metcalf, 1982, pp. 96 - 98 ). It is to be noted that five of these principles focused on the new financial system introduced in the absence of any waqf ( trust ) system, which was already abandoned by the colonial rulers. i. The workers of the madrassah should, as best they can, always keep in view the increase in donations and should encourage other well - wishers to share the same concern. ii. Well - wishers of the madrassah should always make efforts to secure the provision of food for the students. iii. The advisors of the madrassah should always keep in mind its well - being. There should be no rigidity of views and for this reason it is important that they never hesitate to express an opinion and that the listeners hear it with an open mind. So -. If we understand that another ' s idea to be better, even though against us, we will accept it whole heartedly -.. Muhtamim ( Chancellor ) should always consult all the permanent advisors of the madrassah as well as other well - wishers who possess wisdom and understanding -. Let no individual be unhappy if on a certain occasion he is not asked for advice. However, if the Muhtamim asks no one, all the advisors should object. iv. It is essential that teachers of the madrassah be in accord and, unlike the worldly ulama, not be selfish and intolerant of others. v. Instruction should be the one that has already been agreed upon or later agreed upon by the advisors. vi. As long as the madrassah has no fixed source of income, it will, God willing, operate as desired. And if it gains any fixed income like jagir holdings, factories, trading interests or pledges from nobles, then the madrassah will lose the fear and hope that inspires the submission to God and thus will lose His hidden help and disputes will begin among the workers. In short, let there be a sort of deprivation in matters of income and buildings for the madrassah. vii. The participation of the government and the wealthy is harmful. viii. The contribution of those who expect no fame from their donations is a source of blessing. The sincerity of such contributions provides stability. Although the modest beginning of the madrassah at Deoband indicated towards an informal system of education, the founders had planned to establish it on the British bureaucratic style for educational institutions ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 93 ). Sindhi ( 1944, p. 98 ) has even stated that the madrassah was founded on the model of Delhi College. Therefore, this madrassah was to have a fixed institutional character with permanent salaried staff, distinct class rooms and library, fixed course of study and regular examinations and convocations ( Berkey, 2007, p. 49 ). The administration of the madrassah worked at three levels: the sarprast or rector who acted as patron and guide; the muhtamim or the chancellor who was chief administrative officer; and the sadr mudarris or the principal who was to look after the instruction ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 95 ). So long before this madrassah was called Darul - Ulum ( a term used for higher level of religious education ) in 1879, its establishment was already structured on the pattern of a western - style university. Since the vision of the founders of madrassah at Deoband was focused on protection and preservation of Muslim culture in India, only one madrassah could not be enough to achieve those goals. Therefore, several new madaris were set up initially in the Upper Doab region of North India. By the end of1880, at least 15 madaris had already been operational on the pattern of the mother school at Deoband. By the end of the 19th century, more than fifty madaris had been established under this Deobandi Madrassah Movement ( DMM ). Following the practice of Farangi Mahall and Shah Waliullah schools, DMM upheld the tradition of combining the role of saint and scholar in the person of religious leader. However, the religious leaders belonging to the DMM stressed upon a responsible, reformist interpretation of the faith for their followers while dismissing any intercession or miraculous intervention for the latter ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 140 ). In terms of Arthur Buehler ' s distinction, DMM ' s spiritual leaders were to be teaching shaikhs as opposed to the traditional mediating shaikhs ( Naeem, 2009 ). Although educational institutions under the DMM appeared to revive the broader intellectual tradition of Shah Waliullah, the religious leaders belonging to DMM opted to follow the narrower - practical ' tradition of Syed Ahmed regarding reform of the prevailing practices and customs among Indian Muslims. To achieve these reforms, they used the institution of fatwa ( religious edict ) to condemn several beliefs and customs prevalent among the Indian Muslims. These included celebration of the birthday of the Prophet ( Mauludun Nabi ), annual festival of the saints ( urs ), distribution of sweets upon completion of the Quran, believing that the prophet shared God ' s knowledge of the unknown ( Ilm - e - ghaib ). The DMM ulama also opposed elaborate marriage, birth and funeral ceremonies. For their opposition of the practices of the folk Islam, DMM ulama faced severe criticism from their opponents. The fiercest opposition to Deobandi Islam came from Ahle Sunnat wal Jamaat or Barelwi movement, which was launched in 1880s under the leadership of Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilley ( 1856 - 1921 ) whose father had earlier devoted himself to refuting the ideas of Syed Ahmed and Muhammad Ismaeel. Ahmad Raza continued that tradition and issued fatwa that Muhammad Qasim and Rasheed Ahmed were no longer Muslims due to showing disrespect to the Prophet. He was even successful in getting support of ulama in the Hijaz in favour of his fatwa ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 309 ). The Barelwi school of thought later established its own madaris to counter the DMM. Although the Barelwis shared the Hanafi mazhab or jurisprudence with Deobandis, the former accepted the prevailing customs among the Indian muslims and also championed the cause of saint worship ( Faruqi, 1963, p. 127 ) as well as veneration of the Prophet. As opposed to DMM, Barelwis - wanted to preserve Islam unchanged: not Islam as was idealized in texts or the historical past, but Islam as it had evolved to the present ' ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 296 ). 5. Growth of DMM The rapid growth of the DMM was mainly caused by two factors: a core of ashraaf ( social elite ) donors; and effective use of modern communication methods like printing press, mail and money order services. Since the initial students and staff were mostly ashraaf, they were able to attract donors from that class, which included government servants, religious leaders, traders and land holders. According to Metcalf ( 1982, p. 252 - 3 ), this urban class was most adversely affected by the fall of the Muslim rule on the one hand and the subsequent policies of the colonial rulers on the other. The DMM was now supposed to provide them with a sense of cultural pride and self - esteem. However, later on, the student body of the DMM was dominated by the children from the lower classes of rural areas, whose objective was to get better employment and enhanced social status. The effective use of modern communication allowed the DMM to consolidate the core of donors through sending letters of invitation and publishing the list of donors along with their individual contributions. Posters and pamphlets distributed by the DMM also helped in attracting more students. Another factor which contributed to the growth of the DMM was their deliberate decision to stay away from political issues in an effort to avoid any conflict with the British government. In fact, the DMM occasionally showed some signs of loyalty to the British. For example, the madrassah at Deoband once celebrated Queen ' s birthday and even prayers were offered for her health. However, this loyalty appeared to be a calculated move by the DMM founders who did not want to give offence to the colonial rulers. Muhammad Qasim, the first patron, did not actually participated in the administration of madrassah at Deoband and for the first three years, he even did not visit the town of Deoband so that the British government might not close the madrassah on the pretext of his earlier participation in the Mutiny of 1857. Some writers have stated that the real objective of the movement was hidden behind the faade of Islamic education ( Shahjahanpuri, 2004, p. 157 ). The third Principal of Darul - Ulum Deoband, Mahmood Hassan, who also happened to be the first student of the institution, once stated that Muhammad Qasim established the DMM as a platform to train people who could make amends for the defeat in 1857 ( Rizwi, 2005, p. 44 ). This hidden objective of the DMM was not revealed until Jamiatul Ansaar was established by Mahmood Hassan in 1909. This organization under the leadership of Ubaidullah Sindhi ( 1872 - 1944 ) initially appeared to be just an Alumni Association of the Darul - Ulum. However, it soon became politically very active to support the Turks in the Balkan war. Later, Sindhi had to resign in 1913 when Darul - Ulum ' s administration was divided about the role of the new organization ( Mian, 1985, pp. 434 - 5 ). Then, Mahmood Hassan sent Sindhi to Afghanistan just before the World War I, where the latter helped establish a provisional Indian government, which with the support of Afghan government, carried out some unsuccessful military operations against the British in the North West Frontier ( Faruqi, 1963, pp. 59 - 60 ). At the same time, Mahmood Hassan left for Hijaz to convince the Turks to attack India with the help of Germans and Afghans through the Khyber Pass. The Turkish War Minister agreed to the idea and also wrote a message to the tribal people of North West Frontier assuring them of all possible aid in their anti - British ventures. Mahmood Hassan sent that message to Sindhi who had been corresponding with the former on pieces of silk cloth, after which this movement was called - Silken Letters ' conspiracy by the British who managed to take hold of these letters. Later, after the successful revolt of Shareef Hussain of Makkah against the Turks, the British were able to arrest Mahmood Hassan who was then exiled to Malta for more than three years. The Silken Letter campaign shows that the original idea of Shah Waliullah to set up an Islamic state was also part of DMM ' s agenda, which had just taken a back seat in the face of the invincibility of British power. However, it also appears that deferment of that agenda for almost half a century, had further narrowed down the vision of the DMM, which looked satisfied with their educational and sectarian approach focused on customs and practices of the Indian Muslims. In fact, even an influential leader like Mahmood Hassan had to face opposition from Darul - Ulum ' s administration, which advised him to keep away from politics. However, he ignored that advice stating that he was working for those objectives which Muhammad Qasim had in his mind while setting up Darul - Ulum ( Faruqi, 1963, p. 59 ). Therefore, after his return from Malta in 1920, Mahmood Hassan immediately joined Khilafat Movement and also participated in the establishment of Jamai Millia Islamia in Aligarh. This university, which later shifted to Delhi in 1925, marked the rise of enthusiastic nationalism, which separated itself from - the official imperialist - entangled Muslim University of the Sir Syed tradition ' ( Smith, 1943, p. 147 ). From its inception in 1866 to the rise of Khilafat Movement in 1920s, the DMM completely stayed away from any political activity. It kept itself aloof from such vital developments as separate electorates for Indian Muslims, Urdu - Hindi language dispute, rise of Indian national Congress and Muslim League and even the Pan - Islamic movement lead by Muhammad Ali Jauhar. DMM even declined to join Anjuman Khuddam - e - Kaabah, an organization set up to protect Muslim holy places in the wake of the decline of the Ottoman Empire after the Balkan War. Although Anjuman was represented by the whole Muslim society in India ( Robinson, 1974, p. 209 ), DMM still declared fatwa against it. One reason for this fatwa could be that the DMM did not want to openly offend the colonial rulers especially at a time when one faction of it was working on the Silken Letter campaign. Or perhaps the DMM did not want to work under the leadership of Maulana Abdul Bari of Farangi Mahall, who was the moving spirit behind the Anjuman. Later, when Abdul Bari tried to convince DMM to oppose the British in the World War I, he was not only discouraged but also snubbed as - a busy body who could not read his Koran rightly ' ( Robinson, 1974, p. 282 ). On the other hand, DMM passed a fervent resolution of loyalty to the British and maintained it throughout the war. This was the time when the Administration of Darul - Ulum had prevailed upon the group which wanted to participate in politics. A fatwa declaring Sindhi a kafir ( unbeliever ) had already been issued ( Robinson, 1974, p. 270 ) and the principal, Mahmood Hassan later had to leave for Hijaz in 1915 to work on Silken Letter scheme. DMM was not even enthusiastic to join the popular Khilafat Movement which was launched for the restoration of Ottoman Caliphate of Turkey. Initially, DMM took the stance that - the Indian Muslims were not obliged to help their co - religionists against the British Government with which they entered into a contract ' ( Robinson, 1974, p. 293 ). It was only through joining the Jamiat Ulama - e - Hind ( The Association of Indian Theologians ) and open support of Mahmood Hassan for Khilafat Movement, that DMM finally decided to take part in political activities in early 1920s. At about the same time, Tablighi Jamaat ( Proselytizing Group ) was launched by a prominent Deobandi scholar, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas ( 1885 - 1944 ). While explicitly withdrawing from the public arena of elections and parties, Tablighi Jamaat ( TJ ) focused on the spiritual formation of individuals ( Metcalf, 1993 ). Calling his movement a khanqah ( Sufi hospice ) on the move ( Troll, 1994 ), Maulana Ilyas stated that - the aims of modern political authority and Islam don not coincide and that if Islam were to make any progress, it must be divorced from politics ' ( Sikand, 2006 ). After the death of Mahmood Hassan on 30th November, 1920, Hussain Ahmed Madani ( 1879 - 1957 ), who had accompanied the former during Malta exile, became the political face of the DMM. Madani was later elected president of Jamiat Ulama - e - Hind ( JUH ), which was completely dominated by Deobandis after 1921 ( Robinson, 1974, p. 354 ). Madani continued to take part in politics from the platform of JUH even during his tenure as Principal of Darul - Ulum for the period 1927 - 57. Once the Khilafat Movement declined after the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, role of the ulama in Indian politics markedly decreased ( Robinson, 1974, p. 338 ) until the Pakistan movement was launched by the Muslim League. DMM strongly opposed the idea of Indian Muslims as separate nation and joined hands with the nationalist Congress party to oppose the idea of Pakistan. A heated debate between Madani and Dr. Muhammad Iqbal ensued when the latter put forward in 1930 the idea of a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. Although the DMM had come into the open against the British rule in 1920s, it was not ready to associate itself with the Muslim League, which claimed to be the representative of the Indian Muslims. Despite the gradual rise and mass following of the Muslim League, DMM ulama were not prepared to follow the western - oriented leadership of the League - whom they suspected to be the representatives of a different culture ( Faruqi, 1963, p. 76 ). However, when Muslim League came up with the demand for Pakistan in March 1940, it presented its case in terms of religious and cultural freedom for the Muslim nation. That demand was tactfully based on the proposition that Muslims would be dominated by Hindu majority after the British withdrawal. That move made the League very popular among the Muslim masses. DMM denounced this move and the JUH immediately organized an Azad Muslim Conference in April 1940, and presented its own formula focused on autonomous provinces under a free United India. The intensity of DMM ' s attack on the League gradually increased and the latter was blamed to be the product of British imperialism. Madani even expressed suspicion about the League leadership including Mr. Jinnah, who was blamed to be working in cahoot with the British to divide India ( Faruqi, 1963, pp. 105 - 6 ). It is quite enigmatic that the DMM which earlier appeared to follow the ideal of Shah Waliullah about getting an Islamic state, had suddenly taken a volte face when the possibility of creation of such a state was about to be realized in the shape of Pakistan. Instead of owning that idea and going all out for it, the DMM did the opposite and joined the Hindu - dominated Congress party to work against the creation of Pakistan. Apart from rejecting the idea of Pakistan as a British conspiracy, Deobandis also opposed it on the ground that Muslims of Hindu majority areas that were to remain outside Pakistani part shall be doomed to become as hostages in the Indian part. Although Mr. Jinnah, founder of Pakistan, had pointed out towards a - balance theory ' i. e. presence of Hindu minorities within Pakistan was to act as guarantee for the fair treatment of Muslims who were to remain in Indian part, JUH regarded this stance as not only dubious but as foolish and mad ( Faruqi, 1963, pp. 112 - 13 ). Another reason of Deobandi opposition to the idea of Pakistan was their belief that Muslim League leadership was incapable of building an Islamic state. Madani wrote to one of his disciples in 1943 about the un - Islamic behaviour of the League leadership and stated - Are the Leaguers not like Mustafa Kamal [of Turkey], Muslims only in name? ' ( Faruqi, 1963, p. 118 ). To Deobandis, Muslim Leaguers were beyond reform. On the other hand, madani was quite hopeful to convert Hindus to Islam and set up a United Muslim India on the pattern of conversion of Quraish of Makkah, an event which led to the rise of Islam in whole of Arabia ( Faruqi, 1963, pp. 114 - 17 ). Deoband was not the only school of thought which opposed the creation of Pakistan. Jamaat Islami of Maulana Maududi also opposed Muslim nationalism and Pakistan. However, he later decided to migrate to the new state after independence in 1947, with a view to propagate and implement his religious ideas in Pakistan. A small faction of Deobandi ulama under the leadership of Shabbir Ahmed Usmani was among the late converts to the idea of Pakistan. Usmani helped establish a new religious party, Jamiatul Ulama - e - Islam ( JUI ) and shifted to the new country with a vision of making Pakistan an Islamic state. He once argued that those who feared that Pakistan would be ruled by un - godly Leaguers should join the Muslim League to ensure that Pakistan was run by true Muslims ( Hardy, 1971, pp. 42 - 3 ). 6. DMM in Post - Colonial India Deobandis under the leadership of Madani had hoped that in a post - colonial undivided India, Muslims would have a greater political freedom to shape their lives according to sharia on the one hand and propagate Islam among non - Muslims on the other ( Hardy, 1971, pp. 38 - 9 ). However, after the traumatic events of mass migration which followed the partition of India in 1947, JUH - quickly withdrew from political life completely ' and a resolution was passed in its meeting in 1948 to state that Islamic education was - the only hope of cultural preservation in what now seemed a dangerous and threatening context ' ( Metcalf, 2007, pp. 91 - 2 ). In that sense, the DMM in post - colonial India was back to its original position of 1866 regarding protection and preservation of Muslim culture. In 1866, Deobandis championed this cause against the British culture and in 1947 they were to do the same in the wake of Hindu majority culture. In any case, their strategy on both occasions was based on a closed - door approach marked by withdrawal from the mainstream politics as well as education. After 1947, the vision and scope of DMM in India got further narrowed down in terms of their target population as 80 % of Muslims in colonial India became part of Pakistan. So their - practical tradition ' of reforming the Muslim customs, which they inherited from Shah Waliullah ' s movement, was limited to just around 20 million people after Independence. By opposing the creation of Pakistan, DMM had already shunned the possibility of having an Islamic state, an idea of Shah Waliullah, whose intellectual tradition had earlier faced a big blow during the rise of Syed Ahmed ' s jihad. So the DMM in post - colonial India was neither much concerned with education to gain employment nor to produce distinguished scholars. According to Metcalf ( 2007, p. 92 ), the first and foremost concern was with grass - roots efforts to mould children in their identity as observant Muslims. The preservation of Islamic cultural life was now focused on Muslim identity rather than purification of Muslim practices and customs. The website of Darululun Deoband ( http: / / www. darululoom - deoband. com ) states that they are working to preserve Islamic identity and their culture, civilization and tradition. The policy of JUH to completely withdraw from political field and DMM ' s approach to sever any ties with the mainstream education, have led to social exclusion of Muslims in India. According to a 2001 survey of National Sample Survey organization ( NSSO ), 29 % of rural Muslims live in absolute poverty and 51 % of rural Muslims ( against 40 % of rural Hindus ) are landless. In urban areas, 40 % Muslims ( versus 22 % of Hindus ) are in absolute poor category. Sachar Committee Report of 2006 has shown that literacy in Indian Muslims is 59. 1 %, well below the national level of 65. 1 %. Similarly, representation of Muslims in public sector employment is far less than their 15 % share in total population of India. Riaz ( 2008, p65 ) has further mentioned real, symbolic and potential violence against Indian Muslims to highlight the social exclusion of the community. Facing pressure from the mainstream Muslim society to reform its educational system, Darulul Deoband has lately introduced secular subjects at the initial level of curriculum thus allowing some probability for the students to join the mainstream education at a later stage. Even the social exclusion has finally been somewhat acknowledged by the JUH, which recently joined those who were demanding affirmative action for Indian Muslims and urging alliance with other disadvantaged groups under the label of - Dalits and minorities ' ( Metcalf, 2007, p. 103 ). 7. DMM in Pakistan During the Pakistan Movement, Muslim League had claimed to be the sole representative of entire Muslim community in India. By 1945, the popularity of the League and the idea of Pakistan had greatly increased. Spiritual leaders of different schools of thought had already supported Pakistan. Most of the Barelwi ulama were also in favour of Pakistan and even one section of Farangi Mahall ulama declared their support for the idea. However, an important group of Indian ulama represented by DMM and JUH were still campaigning, in alliance with Indian National Congress, against the idea of Pakistan. Jamaat Islami of Maududi was opposing Pakistan as well as the views of JUH. In this scenario, Muslim League contacted different ulama of JUH to get their support and finally succeeded in winning over Shabbir Ahmed Usmani who in 1946 was elected president of a new Deobandi party called Jamiatul Ulama - e - Islam ( JUI ). This party later got official support from the government of the newly established state of Pakistan and Usmani was even given a seat in the Constituent Assembly by the Muslim League ' s Parliamentary Board ( Binder, 1961, p. 31 ). JUI was the party which was to provide guidance and support to the Deobandi madaris in Pakistan. Till the creation of Pakistan in 1947, most of the Deobandi madaris were established on those areas which were to become part of India after independence. During first 35 years of the DMM, almost 50 madaris were established; out of which only four were set up in areas which are now part of Pakistan ( Metcalf, 1982, p. 134 ). There is no exact figure available about the number of Deobandi madaris at the time of partition, but total number of madaris of all denominations before 1947 has reported by Hafiz Nazar Ahmed ( 1960 ) to be 134. In the year 1947, several important Deobandi madaris were established including Jamia Ashrafia of Lahore, Khairul Madaris of Multan, Jamia Rasheedia of Sahiwal, Darululum Al - Islamia of Hyderabad and Darul - Ulum Haqqania of Akora Khatak ( Shahjahanpuri, 2004, p. 129 ). This trend continued under the leadership of JUI. By 1960, a total of 464 madaris had been established in Pakistan, out of which at least 50 % can be estimated to be Deobandi in light of the later trend of share of different denominations of madaris. Since Pakistan is a predominantly Sunni country, most of the madaris belong to Sunni sect, with less than 5 % belonging to Shia sect. Within the Sunnis, there are three sub - sects ( Deobandi, Barelwi and Ahle Hadith ), which have their own brands of madaris. Apart from that, Jamaat Islami has also its own madaris, which promote non - sectarian approach. Each of these denominations has its own umbrella organization or central board as shown in the following table. Name of the Sect / Sub - SectName of Umbrella OrganizationDate Established Deobandi Barelwi Ahle Hadith Jamaat Islami ShiaWafaqul Madaris Al - Arabiyya Tanzeemul Madaris Wafaqul Madaris Al - Salfia Rabtatul Madaris Al - Islamia Wafaqul Madaris Shia 1959 1959 1955 1983 1959 Source: Khalid ( 2002, p. 143 ) Although the number of madaris in Pakistan has always been on the rise, there was a remarkable increase in that number during the 1980s in the wake of Afghan resistance against the Soviet occupation. Jafferlot ( 2002, p. 232 ) has reported that share of madaris among all the educational establishments in Pakistan increased from 18 per cent in 1974 to 40. 3 per cent by 1983 ( Jafferlot, 2002, p. 232 ). Mostly Deobandi madaris benefitted from this increase and since then their share has been more than 70 % of the total madaris in Pakistan. The reported number of total madaris in Pakistan has varied widely from an unbelievable low of 600 to a highly exaggerated 50, 000 ( Riaz, 2008, p. 90 ). According to the more reliable sources, there were about 13, 500 madaris in Pakistan in 2006 ( Riaz, 2008, p. 93; Rehman, 2008, p. 64 ). The website of the umbrella organization of DMM ( http: / / www. wifaqulmadaris. org ) currently boasts of having an affiliation of more than 9, 000 madaris. Following table shows the rise of total number of madaris in Pakistan. YearNumber of Madaris Pre - 1947137 1947245 1956249 1960472 1971908 1975868 19791, 745 19802, 056 19882, 861 19953, 906 19975, 500 20016, 870 20037, 000 200613, 500 Source: Riaz, 2008, p. 93 The remarkable rise of madaris in Pakistan continued even after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. During the period 1988 - 2002, more than 5, 000 new Deobandi madaris were established, which reflect an increase of almost 300 %. The following table shows denomination - wise increase in the number of madaris in Pakistan.
Denomination / SectNumber of MadarisIncrease 1988 - 2000 ( % ) 19882002 Deobandi Barelwi Ahle Hadith Jamaat Islami / Others Shia1, 779 717 161 97 47 7, 000 1, 585 376 500 419294 121 134 415 792 Source: Rehman, 2008, pp. 64 - 5 Unlike India, madaris in Pakistan have not taken the approach of withdrawing from the political field. For every denomination of sect and sub - sect, a political party is present to protect and propagate its own version of Islam. Deobandi JUI and Jamaat Islami are the most active religio - political parties. JUI is divided into two factions: JUI ( F ) under Fazul Rehman and JUI ( S ) under Samiul Haq, who also runs Darul - Ulum Haqqania, the alma mater of several Taliban leaders who ruled in Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001. DMM in Pakistan has also kept alive the original spirit of Darul - Ulum Deoband by focusing on - practical tradition ' of Shah Waliullah ' s movement regarding the need for an Islamic state as well as reform of customs and practices of the Muslims. Even the links of DMM with Afghanistan since 1979 are also reminiscent of the approach of Shah Waliullah and his followers. However, DMM in Pakistan seems to have completely ignored the intellectual tradition of Shah Waliullah. Even on the - practical tradition ' DMM has shown a marked decline in the sense that opposition and intolerance of prevailing practices of Muslims has been replaced by violent reaction against the followers of such practices. This extremist approach has resulted in the rise of several sectarian organizations, which have been supported directly or indirectly by DMM. In the light of a detailed look at the growth and evolution of DMM in Pakistan, following six stages have been identified. i. Inception Phase ( 1947 - 58 ) Since there were very few Deobandi madaris in Pakistan at the time of independence, the major focus of DMM during this early phase was to set up more and more madaris. Many graduates of Darul - Ulum Deoband were present to contribute at this stage. These included Mufti Mahmood ( father of present head of JUI, Fazlur Rehman ) and Ghulam Ghaus Hazarwi in the North Western Frontier Province ( now renamed Khyber Pukhtunkhwah ), Shaiq Usmani, Yusuf Binori and Mufti Shafi in Sindh and Rasool Khan, Muhammad Chiragh and Abdul Rehman in Punjab. However, during that period, the state neglected the madaris to a considerable degree ( Malik, 1996, p. 123 ). During this period, Deobandi ulama under the leadership of JUI ' s head Shabbir Usmani and Mufti Shafi, actively participated in the debate regarding the issues of making Pakistan an Islamic state and drafting an Islamic constitution. Shabbir Usmani has been reported to have played an important role in preparing the Objectives Resolution, which was adopted by the first Constituent Assembly in 1949. That resolution embodied fundamental Islamic principles for future constitution of Pakistan. However, Deobandi ulama failed to come up with concrete proposals and original arguments regarding how to actualize the Objectives Resolution. According to Binder ( 1961, pp32 - 3 ), Deobandis began to borrow from Nadwatul Ulama, Dr. Iqbal and even Maududi and it appeared that there aim was - to preserve, not to change; their method was through political recognition of their institution ' as religious scholars. It shows that JUI leadership ( which was dominated by graduates of Daululum Deoband ), had no clear vision about the Islamic state and as such they were far removed from Shah Waliullah ' s legacy, which they claimed to follow. Therefore, they soon allowed the religious issues to fall within the framework of the normal political process ( Binder, 1961, p. 237 ). During that early period of Pakistan ' s history, Jamaat Islami under Maududi played a major role in religion - based politics. The Deobandis generally seemed to have been playing second fiddle to Jamaat Islami and even to Majlis - e - Ahrar during the anti - Ahmadi agitation of 1953. ii. Organization Phase ( 1958 - 69 ) During this phase, the military government of Ayub Khan tried to modernize the traditional Islamic activities. First, Auqaf ( Trusts ) system, which provided support to madaris and shrines, was nationalized and later a move was launched to attach madaris to the formal system of education ( Malik, 1996, p. 123 ). Apart from that, Ayub ' s polemics against the religious leaders were already well - known. So in this hostile scenario, Deobandi madaris established their umbrella organization in 1959, called Wafaqul Madaris Al - Arabiyya ( WMA ). Shia and Barelwi madaris soon followed the DMM. In order to counter the government ' s move to interfere with madaris system, WMA ensured to include in its objectives the reform of curriculum through inclusion of modern subjects in it. However, no practical initiative was ever taken by WMA. Malik ( 1996, p. 125 ) has stated that ulama ' s failure to reform the madaris seems to have provided their critics with sufficient ground for considering the ulama - backward '. However, it appears that it was less about ulama ' s inability to reform than their ability to delay any state intervention until the madaris could prepare themselves through integration under umbrella organizations. Deobandi model of madaris, from its vey origin, is based on the policy of avoiding interaction with the government while getting financial support through community donations ( Rizwi, 2005, pp. 154 - 7 ). In 1961, the government set up a Committee for the revision of curriculum of madaris and linking them with the mainstream educational system. Jamaat Islami supported the reforms. However, the proposals of the Committee were opposed by the umbrella organizations of the madaris and the reform effort failed. iii. Consolidation Phase
